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Contemporary Issues
The contemporary issues project promotes cross-cultural understanding through public lectures, panel discussions, symposia and workshops that present the rich diversity of Korea and U.S.-Korea relations in historical and contemporary contexts. These programs feature authors, scholars, artists, practitioners from the nonprofit sector, politicians, business leaders and others who are willing to share with the American public their unique expertise on Korea and U.S.-Korea relations.
The focus of this project area is an in-depth exploration of the social, cultural, economic, political, historical and security dimensions of the U.S.-Korea relationship. The objective is to foster a greater awareness, appreciation and understanding of the complexity of these underlying factors, which fuels the power of imagination that is the indispensable wellspring of the capacity for empathy. While divergences of perspectives between Americans and Koreans on many fundamental issues may be inevitable, it is equally inevitable that these divergences must be brought within the realm of imagination to be channeled toward productive engagement based on mutual respect.
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Today, South Korean technology, products and culture can be found in every corner of the globe -- a dramatic change from centuries past, when Koreans tended to shun the outside world. Edward M. Graham, senior fellow at the Institute for International Economics; Ted Hughes, assistant professor of Korean Literature at Columbia University; Michael Huh, vice president for marketing and strategic development at ImaginAsian TV; and Emanuel Yi Pastreich, editor-in-chief of Dynamic Korea gathered at a young professionals forum to discuss how this transformation occurred and what it augurs for the future.
Pastereich was the first to speak. The outward orientation that South Korea has taken to in recent decades isn’t just novel, it’s something fundamentally new for the country. During the hundreds of years of Chosun rule, Korea was a static agricultural society where stability and tradition were prized. Today, Pastereich said, innovation and exploration are prized. “If you look to where [trends in music, movies and styles] come from...it’s drifting to Seoul.”
Korea’s explosion onto the world scene has been propelled by its booming, export-oriented economy. According to Edward Graham, however, the South Korean economy’s impressive performance may be hiding unpleasant surprises. Following the 1997 IMF crisis, Korean regulators were quick to assure global investors that they had scrubbed out all the unsound business practices that had lead to the crash. Indeed they had, but only in the financial sector. Structural problems in the corporate sector remain unaddressed, and recent revelations that the Korean government directed banks to bail out chipmaker Hynix indicate that the old business habits haven’t been completely banished.
Turning from business to culture, Ted Hughes told the audience that far from being the “hermit kingdom” it was often portrayed as, Korea has historically been a place where outside cultures mingled. Indeed, the very pillars of Korean culture are imported: Buddhism, from India, and Confucianism, from China. And while Koreans today embrace their own language and traditions, they’re influenced by art, literature and entertainment from around the globe.
Closing the panel presentations, Michael Huh spoke about how his network is trying to bring Korean pop culture, already a hit in Asia, to the U.S. market. Huh said that ImaginAsian has found that Korean TV dramas are particularly popular, even drawing large audiences of non-Asian Americans. Korean culture will eventually make its way into the American mainstream, perhaps sooner rather than later: Huh noted that Korean singer Rain had recently sold out the theater at Madison Square Garden in New York, and less than half of the audience was Korean American.
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When Alexander Vorontsov, head of the section for Korean Studies at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, hears a question about North Korea’s economic reforms, it’s usually a variation of this: Why hasn’t the DPRK moved more quickly to imitate the Chinese and Vietnamese liberalization models?
This question leaves the impression that the DPRK is doing little in the way of reform. Nothing could be farther from the truth, however, Vorontsov said. Last year North Korea reported a rice harvest of 4.4 million tons, compared to just 3 million tons five years ago. The government has embraced the local farmers’ markets that sprung up during the height of the food crisis in the mid-1990s, even opening them up to foreign visitors. Free enterprise zones at Kaesong and Mount Kumgang are flourishing, and Kim Jong-il has taken an active interest in Russia’s free market reform process. Compared to the rapid liberalization that China and Vietnam have undergone, this may not appear to be much. Compared to the DPRK’s economic order of just a few years ago, it’s a world of difference.
To the extent that North Korea has approached market reforms differently than its Asian neighbors, it’s because local conditions necessitate it. When China’s economic reforms began in the late 1970s and early 1980s, they began in the rural, agricultural areas where most of the population lived and then moved into the cities. As North Korea’s population is predominantly urban, Vorontsov pointed out, the Chinese model can’t simply be copied. In addition both China and Vietnam were secure from external threats when they began their reforms. North Korea, still facing off against U.S. troops in South Korea, is not.
North Korea’s progress towards more open markets, and perhaps a more open society, will continue at a measured pace, Vorontsov added. North Korean officials have always stressed that the process will be gradual. The government has already started to reevaluate its course in light of widening income disparities, which it fears might undermine its power. Most countries in the region, however, realize that the process will continue and are working to take advantage of it.
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March 6, 2006
On March 6, 2006, in New York City, the National Committee on American Foreign Policy (NCAFP) and The Korea Society co-hosted a “by invitation only” conference with a DPRK delegation led by Ambassador Ri Gun, the vice director of the DPRK Institute of Disarmament and Peace. The purpose of the meeting was to explore the prospects for a resumption of the Six-Party Talks. This meeting took place one day before the delegation met with U.S. officials in New York to discuss U.S. allegations about the DPRK’s “illicit activities,” including counterfeiting of U.S. currency, money laundering and drug smuggling. These charges were the grounds for a finding issued by the U.S. Treasury that resulted in the freezing of DPRK assets in a bank in Macao. In addition to Ambassador Ri, the DPRK delegation included Ambassador Han Song Ryol, the deputy permanent representative of the DPRK to the United Nations; four officials from the DPRK Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the director of the DPRK Foreign Trade Bank. The American participants included Amb. Donald P. Gregg, president and chairman of The Korea Society, Dr. George D. Schwab and Dr. Donald S. Zagoria who are the president and Northeast Asia project director, respectively, of the NCAFP, and a number of other leading “Korea watchers” and experts from academe, government and the private sector.
The discussions were frank. During the first session, both sides said they were working on ways to implement the September 19, 2005 Joint Statement, which was agreed to by all six parties involved in the talks in Beijing. Mistrust ran high on both sides however. Members of the DPRK delegation said that many in their government felt that the financial sanctions placed on the country—ostensibly aimed at curbing the DPRK’s counterfeiting and smuggling activities—were actually meant to facilitate regime change, which they believe indicates the U.S. isn’t serious about finding a negotiated solution. A member of the American side rejected the charge, and told the DPRK delegation that the sanctions are only aimed at their government’s activities, not its sovereignty. Admitting the lack of trust, both sides said that the timing of conciliatory steps was a greater stumbling block than the steps themselves. Neither country, they agreed, wants to be the first to make necessary concessions.
During the second session, which was focused on finding ways to move forward, the suggestion was made that both the U.S and the DPRK should tone down their rhetoric and that issues of illicit activities should not be allowed to hold up the progress of the Six-Party Talks. As all agreed that perfect simultaneity of gestures would be a difficult goal to meet, negotiators in future rounds should focus on agreeing to a clear series of steps within a defined time period. The suggestion was also made on the U.S. side that the future sessions of the Six-Party Talks should include a discussion of a new security architecture for Northeast Asia.
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February 22, 2006
Preserving Korea’s Demilitarized Zone for Conservation and Peace: Building a Global Coalition
The demilitarized zone has become one of the most fortified and heavily mined strips of land on earth after more than 50 years of serving as a buffer between the two Koreas. But 50 years of being off-limits to human commerce has also left it one of the most pristine strips of undisturbed wilderness in Northeast Asia.
Species of flora and fauna that have disappeared from South Korea amid its rapid industrialization still thrive in the DMZ. To ensure this unique biodiversity survives as the North and South move towards political and economic reconciliation, The Korea Society convened a meeting of 30 experts to discuss the prospects for forming a new DMZ conservation coalition.
The attendees represented 18 American and Korean organizations with an interest in preserving Northeast Asia's ecology, including The DMZ Forum, the Turner Foundation, the Sierra Club, the Korean Federation for Environmental Movement, the Asia Society, Harvard University and the UN Foundation.
All in attendance agreed that the creation of a formal coalition would make action to protect the DMZ much more likely. There was also a consensus that efforts to preserve the DMZ, which would necessarily include the DPRK, could serve as a catalyst for improving relations much as the Goodwill Games and ping-pong diplomacy helped to thaw the Cold War.
The experts spent a full day discussing the contingencies of forming such a coalition, including which stakeholders would need to be contacted, how the relevant parties should be engaged and what further steps should be taken in the near future.
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